In den letzten beiden Ausgaben von Sri Lanka Advocacy ging es hauptsächlich um den “Fall Dias”: Den Skandal, dass einer der ranghöchsten mutmaßlichen Kriegsverbrecher der srilankischen Armee zum stellvertretenden Botschafter seines Landes in der Bundesrepublik, der Schweiz und dem Vatikan “befördert” wurde. Die Regierungen in Berlin, Bern und im Vatikan haben die Tätigkeit und den freien Aufenthalt des “Generalmajors der Killing Fields” geduldet, obwohl sie von Anfang an über die unerhörten Vorwürfe gegen den Ex-Kommandanten unterrichtet waren. Statt den Forderungen nach Ausweisung des mutmaßlichen Kriegsverbrechers und der Eröffnung eines Strafverfahrens zu folgen, arbeiteten Berlin und Bern an einer “stillschweigenden” Heimkehr des Generalmajors nach Ablauf der ersten Dienstzeit. Immerhin das hat die Öffentlichkeit verhindern können, indem sie der zynischen Duldsamkeit der politisch Verantwortlichen die Aufmerksamkeit verschuf, die sie verdient: in einer Vielzahl von Lobbygesprächen, einer Reihe von kritischen Anfragen in den Parlamenten und verschiedenen TV- und Presseberichten. Hoffen wir, dass es einen weiteren “Fall Dias” nicht geben wird! Zum Abschluss der unseligen Angelegenheit verweisen wir deshalb noch einmal auf unser Archiv und dokumentieren die Antwort des Auswärtigen Amtes auf die Anfrage der Abgeordneten Katrin Werner nach der letztendlichen Ausreise des mutmaßlichen Kriegsverbrechers. Außerdem verlinken wir einen sehr gut recherchierten Hintergrundartikel der Journalistin Sophie Mühlmann aus der Zeitung   Die Welt   vom 04.01. 2012: Berichterstattungen wie diese sind das, was die Menschen auf Sri Lanka dringend brauchen.

Deutsches Auswärtiges Amt/German Foreign Office: MdB Werner-Jagath Dias

Article Sophie Mühlmann, DIE WELT 04.01.2012: http://www.welt.de/politik/ausland/article13797634/Geheimes-Grauen-eines-barbarischen-Buergerkrieges.html, als pdf: Sri Lanka-Die Welt.01.12

Sri Lanka Advocacy August 2011: http://www.lanka-advocacy.org/2011/08/

Sri Lanka Advocacy June 2011: http://www.lanka-advocacy.org/2011/06/

(Die Fotos dieser Ausgabe wurden in Lagern des Nordens und Ostens Sri Lankas aufgenommen/This edition’s photos where captured in camps of the Nord and East. Sri Lanka Advocacy)

Die Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) ist eine Untersuchungskommission, die der srilankische Präsident Mahinda Rajapaksa im Mai 2010 eingesetzt hat. Sie sollte den zurückliegenden Bürgerkrieg aufarbeiten, drängende Fragen zu Kriegsverbrechen beantworten und Vorschläge für einen Friedens- und Versöhnungsprozess formulieren. Nach anderthalbjähriger Arbeit hat die Kommission dem Präsidenten am 15. November ihren Bericht vorgelegt, am 16. Dezember wurde er der Öffentlichkeit vorgestellt. Entgegen der Absicht des Präsidenten verstärken die Resultate des Reports die Forderung der UN, verschiedener ausländischer Regierungen, internationaler Menschenrechtsorganisationen und der srilankischen Zivilgesellschaft nach einer wirklich unabhängigen und internationalen Untersuchung zur Verantwortung der Regierung in Colombo für schwerwiegende und strafwürdige Kriegsverbrechen. Gleich unterhalb dieses Eintrags finden Sie den vollen Text und eine Zusammenfassung des Reports, Stellungnahmen u.a. der UN, der USA, der EU, Indiens und, zum Vergleich, einen link zum im März 2011 veröffentlichten Untersuchungsbericht des Expertenpanels des UN-Generalsekretärs. Außerdem publizieren wir hier ein Interview mit Präsident Rajapaksa.   +++   The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) is a comission of inquiry appointed by the Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa in May 2010.  The commission was asked to look back at the Sri Lankan Civil War and  to provide recommendations for peace building and reconciliation. After one and a half years the commission handed over its findings to the President on 15 November 2011, the report was made public on 16. December 2011. Contrary to the President’s intention the LLRC-findings are reinforcing the demand of the UN, of several foreign governments, international human rights organisations and Sri Lankan civil society for a really independent and international inquiry into the responsibility of the government in Colombos for serious, punisheable war crimes. Sri Lanka Advocacy therefore documents the full text as well as a summary op the report, statements i.a. of the UN, the USA, the EU  and India, and for comparison the full text of the report released by the UN-General Sectretary’s Panel of Experts in March 2011. Additionally we publish an interview with President Rajapaksa himself:

0.) Extraordinary Announcement of President, June 16th, 2010: Announcement of President

1.) Volltext des Reports/Full text of report: http://groundviews.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/12/FINAL-LLRC-REPORT.pdf

Inhaltsverzeichnis/Table of Contents: LLRC-Tabel of Contens

Kapitel 9/Chapter 9: Zusammenfassung und Empfehlungen/Summary and Recommendations: LLRC-Chapter 9

2.) Interview President Mahinda Rajapaksa: Rajapaksa-Interview 12.2011

3.) Weitere politische Stellungnahmen/Further political statements:

United Nations: UN ad LLRC +++ EU: EU Lady Ashton ad LLRC +++ USA: US ad LLRC

India: http://www.asiantribune.com/news/2011/12/26/india-welcomes-public-release-llrc-report-and-assurance-implementation-its-recommend Canada: http://www.dailymirror.lk/news/15610-canada-commends-llrc-report.html

Lee Scott, Vorsitzender der All Parties Group for Tamils im Britischen Unterhaus/Chair of All Parties Group for Tamils, British Parliament: http://britishtamilconservatives.co.uk/2011/12/llrc-report-falls-short-of-addressing-the-evidence-of-war-crimes-and-crimes-against-humanity-statement-from-lee-scott-mp-chair-all-party-parliamentary-group-for-tamils/

4.) Report of the UN-General Sectretary Panel of Experts, March 2011:

 http://www.un.org/News/dh/infocus/Sri_Lanka/POE_Report_Full.pdf

Zum Einstieg in die Thematik und in die nächsten praktischen Schritte präsentieren wir hier unsere eigene erste Analyse des LLRC-Reports und ausgewählte Stellungnahmen politischer Parteien in Sri Lanka.   +++   As introduction into the topic and the next practical steps we present our own first analysis of the LLRC-report and selected statements of political parties in Sri Lanka

LLRC report at a glance

(party statements please see below) President Rajapaksha appointed the Lessons Learned and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) of Sri Lanka by extraordinary gazette notification dated 16^th June 2010 (cf. this Website: http://www.lanka-advocacy.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/01/Announcement-of-President.pdf.) The establishment of the commission was a direct response to the growing call for independent international investigation in to alleged violations of International Human rights and Humanitarian Law during the last phase of war between the Government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

The report of the commission was present to the parliament on 16th December 2011. Since then the report has been on the public domain and has become a topic for informed and in depth discussion. The report contains 407 pages and hundreds of recommendations.  It has 8 chapters beginning form the introduction and ending with principal observations and recommendations.

In short the LLRC rejects the war crime charges leveled against GOSL, level charges against the LTTE and advocates far reaching reforms aimed at the democratic governance and reconciliation in Sri Lanka.

No war crimes committed by the GOSL

The report contains lengthy arguments on International Human Rights Law (IHL) which justify military actions of the GOSL and its security forces in the final phase of the war against the LTTE on the ground that it was an internal conflict against brutal terrorist force.

There by it absolves the GOSL and its security forces of any violations of IHL and war crimes. 

The longest chapter of the report, Chapter 4 of the Humanitarian Law Issues is devoted to discuss and to arrive at conclusions on IHL in relation to the Sri Lankan situation. At the end commission concludes that security forces had not deliberately targeted civilians during the final stages of war. In arriving at this conclusion the LLRC base themselves mainly on the evidence of Sri Lankan military commanders. It is clear from the report itself that the investigation is lopsided.

This chapter and the arguments it presents are the most decisive section of the report in the context of the on going debate of war crimes and accountability during the last phase of the war.

The report argues that ‘’some Principles of International Humanitarian Law applicable in non international armed conflicts or in “internal conflict” situations, are shrouded in uncertainty and a number of legal concepts remain vague and undefined. Article 3 Common to the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and Additional Protocol (II) applicable to non international armed conflicts, contain only the most rudimentary set of rules unlike, in the case of the  Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol (I) applicable to international armed conflicts. (4.4)”

Commenting on the interpretations given by the LLRC on International Human rights Law, the International Crisis Group said that ”equally worrying deficiency in the LLRC’s conclusions is the fundamental misstatement or misapplication of principles of international law. This is most evident in its failure to present a fair exposition of the principle of distinction under international humanitarian law. Indeed, even though the LLRC claimed to have considered the April 2011 report of the UN Secretary-General’s panel of experts, it did not engage the panel’s legal or factual analysis in any meaningful way. Allowing the LLRC’s regressive statement of international law to stand could have consequences beyond Sri Lanka.’’ (Look up this Website http://www.lanka-advocacy.org/2012/01/10/versohnung-in-sri-lanka-schwieriger-als-jemals-zuvor-reconciliation-in-sri-lanka-harder-than-ever-statement-and-report-of-international-crisis-group-icg/)

The report admits that civilian deaths have taken place during the last phase of the war in unavoidable circumstances: ”It is the considered view of the Commission however, that eye witness accounts and other material available to it indicate that considerable civilian casualties had in fact occurred during the final phase of the conflict. This appears to be due to cross fire, the LTTE’s targeted and deliberate firing at civilians, as well as due to the dynamics of the conflict situation, the perils of the geographical terrain, the LTTE using civilians as human shields and the LTTEs refusal to let the hostages get out of harm”.

In this regards the commission has made 3 recommendations:

1. To investigate the specific instances referred to in observations..  And any reported cases of deliberate attacks on civilians. If investigations disclose the commission of any offences, appropriate legal action should be taken to prosecute/punish the offenders.

2. Conduct a professionally designed household survey covering all affected families in all parts of the island to ascertain first-hand the scale and the circumstances of death and injury to civilians, as well as damage to property during the period of the conflict.

3. The Government of Sri Lanka should institute an independent investigation into the execution videos of the film Sri Lanka killing fields with a view to establishing the truth or otherwise of these allegations and take action in accordance with the laws of the land. 

Thus while clearing the chain of command of any violations of IHL during the last phase of the war the LLRC report leaves room for investigations in to specific incidents of such violations.

Reforms towards Democratic governance and reconciliation

On the other hand LLRC report sets out a course of action if implemented that will result in a paradigm shift towards democratic governance in Sri Lanka. Chapter 5 of the report deals with the human rights issues arising form the conflict. It analyses the alleged “white van” abductions, unlawful arrests, arbitrary detention, involuntary disappearances, internally displaced persons, freedom of expression issues, freedom of religion etc and provides valuable recommendations.

LLRC reiterates the collective responsibility for the ethnic conflict and resulting war.  “The process of reconciliation requires a full acknowledgement of the tragedy of the conflict and a collective act of contrition by the political leaders and civil society, of both Sinhala and Tamil communities. The conflict could have been avoided had the southern political leaders of the two main political parties acted in the national interest and forged a consensus between them to offer an acceptable solution to the Tamil people. The Tamil political leaders were equally responsible for this conflict which could have been avoided had the Tamil leaders refrained from promoting an armed campaign towards secession, acquiescing in the violence and terrorist methods used by the LTTE against both the Sinhala and Tamil people, and failing to come out strongly and fearlessly against the LTTE, and their atrocious practices.”

Overall recommendations of the LLRC towards democratic governance and ethnic conflict have been welcomed by even its most stern critics. The group Left Platform (please see below statements of political parties) listed the most important recommendations as fellows:

• Political interference has resulted in an erosion of confidence in the criminal justice system. A Special Commissioner must be appointed to investigate alleged disappearances.
• Action should be taken to disarm and put an end to illegal activities of armed groups in the North and East.
• The land policy of the Governments should not be an instrument to effect unnatural changes in the demographic pattern of a given Province.
• It is important that the Northern Province reverts to civilian administration in matters relating to the day-to-day life of the people, and in particular with regard to matters pertaining to economic activities such as agriculture, fisheries land etc. The military presence must progressively recede to the background to enable the people to return to normal civilian life and enjoy the benefits of peace.
• Attacks on journalists and media institutions and killing of journalists have not been conclusively investigated and perpetrators brought to justice.
• There should be effective judicial review of legislation.
• An Independent Public Service Commission and Police Commission should be set up (Readers will note that the independence of these Commissions were done away with by the Eighteenth Amendment).
• Legislation should be enacted to ensure the right to information.

If fact none of them are new to Sri Lankan political discourse. (A longer list of recommendations is attached as annex 01, following the statements of the political parties) These steps have been advocated by civil society and various other commissions time and again in the recent past too. The post war Rajapaksha regime has in fact turned its back to these democratic reforms instead of accommodating them. It is in this context that the number of political commentators and human rights organisations has raised the issue of implementation of the LLRC recommendations as most crucial challenge for Sri Lanka.

Challenges before democratic civil society

Since the report was made public there is growing consensus among the different stake holders that although the LLRC report has shown a clear bias in its investigation in to the crucial issue of  violations of International Human rights and Humanitarian Law, implementation of its both sets of recommendations should not be lay to rest. First set of recommendations call for investigations in to accountability issues as individual cases. Second set of recommendations are related to reconciliation and democratic governance. The million dollar question is that given the inherent anti democratic and autocratic nature of post war Rajapaksha regime will there be any political space and wiliness for carrying out these recommendations? 

The other pivotal question is that now as the domestic accountability mechanism, the LLRC, has recommended remedial measures at length an international investigation in to the alleged war crimes and accountability issues is still necessary? 

Emphasising that the conclusion about the intentions of the armed forces are disappointing the Centre for Policy Alternatives, a think tank based in Colombo argues that it reinforces the demands for an international investigation rather than addresses and lays them to rest. These demands are further augmented by the critique of the LLRC of the current state of governance and the rule of law, …. The state of governance and the rule of law described by the LLRC, begs the question as to how the investigations it recommends can be conducted nationally, given the erosion of the integrity of the institutions that will be involved in such investigations. (Please look up this Website http://www.lanka-advocacy.org/2012/01/10/lesson-learnt-reconciliation-weitere-beitrage-zur-diskussion-further-contributions-for-a-discussion/)

The track record of the present regime does not leave any room for complacency that LLRC recommendations will be carried out earnestly. The official position of the GOSL has been that LLRC recommendations could be implemented only according to the government road map. No time frame or bench marks for the implementation has been established.

The major Tamil political party the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) has rejected the report findings on accountability issues and called for an independent international investigation. Sri Lanka’s closest and most influential neighbour India has welcomed the report and noted that “We have also noted the Government of Sri Lanka’s intention to set up a mechanism to carry out further investigations relating to instances of alleged human rights violations and incidents involving loss of civilian life. It is important to ensure that an independent and credible mechanism is put in place to investigate allegations of human rights violations, as brought out by the LLRC, in a time-bound manner.” (cf. below Statements of political parties)

Instead of closing the on going campaigns on accountability issues during the last phase of war in Sri Lanka LLRC report has invigorated and broadened the scope of the discussion. Now the issues of democratic governance also has come in to the picture and one of the challenges will be to articulate a holistic and balanced approach encompassing all relevant issues.

Statements of political parties:

1.) Statements from Government and political parties alligned with the Goverment:

Worthwhile to note: two parties participating in the Government, fundamentalist buddhist party JHU and former Tamil nationalist party EPDP, are strongly opposing the LLRC-Report – EPDP, because it’s own military wing is itself accused of war crimes…

Prof. G.L. Peiris, Minister for External Affairs: http://www.srilankabrief.org/2011/12/gosl-to-investigate-specific-situations.html

Keheliya Rambukwella, Media Minister: http://www.srilankabrief.org/2012/01/can-implement-llrc-recommendations-only.html

Statement of Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP), “left wing” party participating in government: http://www.srilankabrief.org/2012/01/llrc-report-lssp-view.html

Statement of National Freedom Front (NFF), break away of oppositional Janatha Vimukhti Peramuna (JVP): http://www.srilankabrief.org/2012/01/llrc-report-vital-in-reconciliation.html

Statement of Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), fundamentalist buddhist party: http://www.srilankabrief.org/2011/12/llrc-report-jhu-to-act-strongly-against.html

Statement of Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP), former Tamil nationalist party which moved over to Government: http://www.srilankabrief.org/2011/12/minister-epdp-leader-douglas-to-take.html

2.) Statements of oppositional parties:

Worthwile to note: Up to now there’s no official statement by the leading sinhalese opposition party UNP, which is in a growing process of decline. Statement of  leftist but sinhala-nationalist JVP is interesting because the party is deeply distressed by internal conflicts related to the “Tamil question”.  Statements of Tamil National Alliance (TNA) are important to read, because TNA counts as the political representation of Tamil people.

Statement of  Lakshman Kiriella, UNP-Member of Parliament: http://www.srilankabrief.org/2012/01/lrrc-report-disproves-govts-no-hr.html

Statement of Tamil National Alliance (TNA): http://www.srilankabrief.org/2011/12/tna-wants-accountability-mechanism-for.html 

Statement of M.A. Sumanthiran, Member of Parliament and prominent spokesperson of TNA: http://www.srilankabrief.org/2011/12/llrc-has-failed-totally-on-most-crucial.html

Statement of leftist but sinhala-nationalist Janatha Vimukhti Peramuna (JVP): http://www.srilankabrief.org/2011/12/implementing-urgent-issues-such-as.html

Statement of New Left Front (NLF), leftist opposition partyalliance: http://www.srilankabrief.org/2012/01/llrc-report-places-govt-in-dock-over.html

Statement of Left Platform, network of leftist analysts and activists: http://www.srilankabrief.org/2012/01/would-lessons-be-learnt-from-lessons.html

Statement of Ceylon Communist Party (Maoist), leftist opposition party: http://www.srilankabrief.org/2011/12/llrc-another-nail-in-coffin-of-justice.html

 Annex 01.

Recommendations

• Further investigations should be carried out regarding 4 particular incidents which caused death or injury to civilians, on possible implication of the security forces.
• Necessary investigations should be carried out into specific allegations of disappearances after surrender/arrest, and where such investigations produce evidence of any unlawful act on the part of individual members of the Army, the wrongdoers should be prosecuted and punished.
• Take due account on surrendered LTTE cadres against whom investigations reveal prima facie material for prosecution.
• IHL regime should take into account the grey areas in the existing legal framework applicable to internal conflicts involving states and non state armed groups.
• A professionally designed household survey should be conducted covering all affected families in all parts of the island to ascertain firsthand the scale and the circumstances of death and injury to civilians, as well as damage to property during the period of the conflict.
• Institute an independent investigation into Channel 4 videos.
• A special commissioner should be appointed to investigate alleged disappearances and provide material to the Attorney general to initiate criminal proceedings as appropriate.
• Death certificates should be issued and monetary recompense should be provided where necessary. Steps should be taken to effectively implement the amendment to the Registration of Deaths Act (2006).
• Appoint an independent advisory committee to monitor and examine detention and arrest of persons under any regulations made under the Public Security Ordinance or the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).
• Domestic legislation should be framed to specifically criminalize enforced or involuntary disappearances.
• Prepare a centralized and comprehensive database containing a list of detainees and make that available to their next of kin.
• All illegal armed groups should be disarmed.
• Grant the legal ownership of land to those who have been resettled.
• In instances where there is prima facie evidence of conscription of children as combatants (by both LTTE and TMVP), any such alleged cases should be investigated and offenders must be brought to justice.
• Increased employment opportunities should be provided to those in the former conflict affected areas.
• An inter-agency task force mandated to addressing the needs of vulnerable groups like women, children, elderly and disabled, must be established.
• Investigate and inquire into alleged incidents of serious violations of human rights including the 2006 Trincomalee massacre and the 2006 massacre of 17 aid workers.
• The land policy of the governments should not be an instrument to effect unnatural changes in the demographic pattern of a given province.
• A National Land Commission (NLC) should be established in order to propose appropriate future national land policy guidelines.
• All political parties should arrive at a bipartisan understanding on national land policy and recognize it as a national issue. Land policy should not be used as a tool to gain narrow political advantage.
• The role and capacity of the Rehabilitation of Persons, Properties and Industries Authority (REPPIA) should be reviwed, giving its primary focus in providing compensatory relief for persons affected by the conflict. Ex-LTTE combatants and next of kin should also be considered eligible for compensatory relief.
• Involvement of the security forces in civilian activities in North Eastern Province should be phased out. Private lands should be used giving reasonable time lines.
• A proper investigation should be carried out on the alleged involvement of Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan alias Karuna Amman and Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pillayan in the 1990 massacre of Sri Lankan Police officers.
• A full investigation should be done on the alleged acts of extortion committed by members of the Eelam People’s Democratic Party (EPDP).
• Steps should be taken to neutralise the activities of a gang led by a person called Major Seelan in connection with offences of abduction, extortion and robbery using the security forces facilities as a cover.
• Units of the Attorney General’s department should be set up in the provinces to guide and advise the Police regarding criminal investigations, prosecutions and other matters touching upon the criminal justice system.
• An independent Public Service Commission should be established without delay to ensure that there is no political interference in the public service.
• A good-faith effort should be taken to develop a consensus on power devolution, building on what exists – both, for maximum possible devolution to the periphery, as well as power sharing at the centre.
• Learning of each others’ languages should be made a compulsory part of the school curriculum.
• All Government offices should have Tamil-speaking officers at all times. Police Stations should have bi-lingual officers on a 24-hour basis.
• A proactive policy should be implemented to encourage mixed schools serving children from different ethnic and religious backgrounds.
• Government should engage with the so-called ‘hostile diaspora groups’ constructively and address their concerns.
• National anthem should be sung simultaneously in two languages to the same tune.
• Laws should be strictly enforced on the instances of hate speech that contributes to communal disharmony.
• A separate event should be set apart on the National Day (4th of February) to express solidarity and empathy with all victims of the tragic conflict and pledge the collective commitment to ensure that there should never be such bloodletting in the country again.

Courtesy – http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lessons_Learnt_and_Reconciliation_Commission

Asian   

Die Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC), 1986 von prominenten Jurist_innen und Menschenrechtsaktivist_innen gegründet, begleitet Kämpfe um die sozialen, politischen und kulturellen Menschen- und Bürger_innenrechte in verschiedenen asiatischen Ländern. Ihre Stellungnahme zum LLRC-Report lässt an Deutlichkeit nichts zu wünschen übrig.   +++   The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC), founded in 1986 by prominent jurists and human rights activists, accompanies struggles for social, political and cultural human- and civil rights in different Asian countries. The explicitness of the AHRC-statement on the LLRC-report leaves nothing to be desired.

LLRC – a non-event: http://www.humanrights.asia/news/ahrc-news/AHRC-STM-207-2011

Mit großer Enttäuschung reagierte Amnesty International auf den LLRC -Bericht. In der vom Asien-Pazifik-Direktor Sam Zarifi unterzeichneten Erklärung heißt es: “Die LLRC ist die letzte einer langen Reihe gescheiterter inländischer Untersuchungen. Straflosigkeit ist die Regel, nicht die Ausnahme, und sie wird jetzt von einem Nachkriegstriumphalismus verschlimmert, der jede Verantwortung für die Verstöße der Regierungsstreitkräfte abweist.” Amnesty belegt die Kritik in einem 70seitigen eigenen Bericht, dessen Resultat Zarifi wie folgt auf den Punkt bringt: “Nur eine unabhängige internationale Untersuchung wird den tausenden Opfern des brutalen srilankischen Konflikts helfen können. Nur dann wird die Stimme der Opfer wirklich Gehör finden. Und nur dann wird der Prozess einer Nach-Konflikts-Versöhnung vorankommen.”  Wir dokumentierten den Volltext des Berichts, die Presseerklärung Sam Zarifis und einen kleinen Filmbeitrag +++   Amnesty International responded with great disappointment to the LLRC-report. A statement signed by Asia-Pacific-Director Sam Zarifi notes: “The LLRC is the latest in a long line of failed domestic inquiries. Impunity has been the rule rather than the exception, now exacerbated by a post-conflict triumphalism that rejects all responsibility for abuses carried out by government forces.” Amnesty backs its criticism with a 70 pages-report which is brought to a point in the following conclusion:  “Only an international, independent investigation can deliver justice to the thousands of victims of Sri Lanka’s brutal conflict. Only then will the voices of victims really be heard. And only then can the process of post-conflict reconciliation begin to move forward.” We document Sam Zafiri’s statement, the entire report and a short film released by Amnesty.

Statement Sam Zafiri, report pdf, film:

http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/report/sri-lanka-inquiry-armed-conflict-fundamentally-flawed-2011-09-07

Im Juli 2011 hat die International Crisis Group (ICG), weltweit führend als Research-, Lobby- und Advocacy-NGO zu Fragen bewaffneter Konflikte und seit Jahren auch zu Sri Lanka tätig, eine umfangreiche Studie zur Lage auf Sri Lanka veröffentlicht (vgl. unseren Bericht zur ICG unter http://www.lanka-advocacy.org/2011/06/). Nach der Vorlage des LLRC-Reports ließ ihre Stellungnahme deshalb nicht lange auf sich warten: Auch die Expert_innen der ICG fordern jetzt erst recht eine unabhängige internationale Untersuchung der von der Regierung in Colombo wie von den “Tamil Tigers” zu verantwortenden Kriegsverbrechen. Wir dokumentieren die Erklärung und den Report der ICG.  +++   In July 2011 the International Crisis Group, worldwide leading research-, lobby- and advocacy-NGO in questions of armed conflict and for years already engaged in Sri Lanka, published a comprehensive study on the situation in Sri Lanka (cf. our report on ICG in http://www.lanka-advocacy.org/2011/06).  Therefore, after the release of the LLRC-report, a response from ICG did not take long to come: Now more than ever the experts of ICG are demanding an independent international inquiry into the war crimes the government in Colombo and the “Tamil Tigers” are responsible for. We are documenting the statement and the report: ICG, July 2011: Reconcialiation in Sri Lanka: Harder than ever: http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-asia/sri-lanka/209-reconciliation-in-sri-lanka-harder-than-ever.aspx

.

Die Veröffentlichung des LLRC-Reports hat der Debatte um die Zukunft Sri Lankas weiteren Auftrieb gegeben: hinsichtlich nächster Schritte ebenso wie hinsichtlich der weiteren Perspektiven. Der Report selbst wird in den meisten Beiträgen als erster Schritt hin zu einer internationalen unabhängigen Untersuchung gewertet: Nicht zureichend, doch mehr, als zu erwarten war. Dass wir die Auswahl der Beiträge wesentlich dem Internet-Magazin groundviews (

We firmly believe that the LLRC-report reinforces the demands for an international investigation rather than addresses and lays them to rest. Statement of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), one of Sri Lanka’s leading human rights organisations. http://cpalanka.org/release-of-the-lessons-learnt-and-reconciliation-commission-llrc-report/

Making LLRC Report Meaningful. Article by Colonel R. Hariharan, former Military Intelligence-Officer of the Indian Army, expert on insurgency movements especially in Bangladesh, Myanmar and Sri Lanka, linked to South Asia Analysis Group. http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/%5Cnotes7%5Cnote641.html

Lessons unlearnt and reconciliation deconstructed. Article by Dr. David Kumar, analyst from Marxist background, University of Ceylon and Hong Kong Polytechnic University. http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/%5Cpapers49%5Cpaper4822.html 

From government’s opion to what the critics have pointed out: Questions remain. Article by Kelana Senaratne,  Law Faculty, University of Hong Kong. http://groundviews.org/2011/12/18/the-llrc-report-a-critical-reading/

Can or will this regime ever have the political intellect to carry through the recommendations ? Article by Kusal Perera, Journalist, Blogger and political critic living in Colombo. http://groundviews.org/2011/12/18/llrc-recommendations-can-the-rajapaksa-regime-digest/

No big surprises. Article by Gibson Bateman, an international consultant based in New York City, former Peace Corps volunteer, who has worked for leading NGOs in Latin America, Africa, and South Asia. http://groundviews.org/2011/12/20/the-llrc-report-and-accountability-in-sri-lanka/

Mit dem Ende des Krieges ist die Landfrage ist zu einem der zentralen politischen Probleme Sri Lankas geworden. Der hier dokumentierte Report des Centre for Poliy Alternatives (CPA) gibt einen systematischen Einblick in die Lage vor Ort und setzt sich für eine umfassende Landreform ein. Eine solche Reform wird allerdings nur dann eine Chance haben, wenn sie “in transparenter und partizipatorischer Weise, unter Beteiligung der Gemeinden und lokalen Akteur_innen und gemäß den Prinzipien der Gleichheit und der Konfliktsensitivität durchgeführt wird.“   +++   After the end of the war the land-issue is one of the central political problems in Sri Lanka. The report of the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) documented below advocates a general land reform which can only be successful if it is “done in a transparent and participatory manner, with the involvement of communities and local actors, and in keeping with principles such as equity and conflict sensitivity.”

Full text of the report: CPA Land in the Northern Province

Vgl./cf. http://www.lanka-advocacy.org/2010/10/12/commentary-on-returns-resettlement-and-land-issues-in-the-north-of-sri-lanka-a-cpa-study/

Die Lage der Frauen in Sri Lankas völlig militarisiertem Norden und Osten ist verzweifelt. Während das Überleben ihrer Familien unter den höchst unsicheren wirtschaftlichen Bedingungen oft allein an ihnen hängt, sind viele der Frauen ständig zusätzlich von physischer Gewalt bedroht. Trotzdem hängt die Wiederherstellung einer tamilischen Zivilgesellschaft maßgeblich an der Selbstorganisation der Frauen. Wir dokumentieren einen lesenswerten Artikel zur Arbeit der feministischen Menschenrechtsaktivistin Shreen Saroor,  einen systematischen Untersuchungsbericht der International Crisis Group (ICG) und die TV-Stellungnahme des srilankischen Botschafters in den USA, Jaliya Wickramsurya.   +++   The situation of women in Sri Lanka’s heavily militarised North and East is desperate. Living under very precarious economic conditions and often the only breadwinner of the family, many of the women are constantly threatened by physical violence, too. Nevertheless, women’s selforganisation is vital fort the re-establishment of Tamil civil society. We are documenting an article on the work of the

Giving sisters more choice. Zur Arbeit der feministischen Menschenrechtsaktivistin Shreen Saroor. Ein  Artikel der Bangok Post vom 30. 12. 2011   +++   On the work of feminist human rights Activist Shreen Saroor. An article from Bangkok Post, Dec. 30th., 2011

Shreen Saroor – Bangok Post

International Crisis Group (ICG): Women’s Insecurity in the North and East. Zusammenfassung und Empfehlungen, Presseerklärung und Volltext-pdf einzusehen unter   +++   Executive Summary and recommandations, media release and full text pdf available under:/

http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-asia/sri-lanka/217-sri-lanka-womens-insecurity-in-the-north-and-east.aspx

I 100% deny that. Stellungnahme des srilankischen Botschafters in den USA, Jaliya Wickramsurya, courtesy of Washington Post.   +++ Statement of Jaliya Wickramsurya, Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in the USA.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=p9cJGs12JXo

Unter dem Titel “Rückkehr der Politik” berichteten wir in unserer letzten Ausgabe über den überraschenden 74%-Erdrutsch-Sieg der Tamil National Alliance (vgl.

 Full text of the letter to the TNA: Public-memo-to-the-TNA